The 90th birthday of Jerzy Giedroyc. "An enclave of free thought" - Krystyna Kersten on Jerzy Giedroyc. "Kontrapunkt" Cultural Magazine of "Tygodnik Powszechny", 28 July 1996.






"AN ENCLAVE OF FREE THOUGHT"
Krystyna Kersten on Jerzy Giedroyc

On 15 April 1952, in a letter sent to Melchior Wankowicz, Jerzy Giedroyc wrote:

"Your vision of 'Kultura' after my death seems very accurate. Sometimes, when I have a free moment, I think I should actually somehow be arranging things for that rather likely occurrence. Yet I never have time to do it. In any case, I have decided and solemnly instructed Zosia that 'Kultura' is to have no continuation. The end. They can publish reminiscences or reviews (which will certainly be as you say they will), and the thought of that truly fills me with joy. What prattle will they write?"

"Kultura" was five years old - issue no. 52-53 had just been published. It was selling three thousand copies not including the four hundred being sent to the Country "since centuries," as the Editor stated in the letter cited above. The Literary Institute had also published thirty-five books.

"When I look at those fifty volumes of 'Kultura,' I understand clearly that you have ascended to a most honorable place in the emigration's future history," wrote Wankowicz in October of 1951. "Your achievement will endure (...) Émigré history will record that Giedroyc's publication contended this and represented that and ultimately proved correct - yet none of these are life's greatest premium. This greatest of life premiums is the note that would say: 'the current created by "Kultura" caused…' I fear that people might overlook 'Kultura' in attributing contributions of this kind."

Jerzy Giedroyc denied that he was creating a historical current, claiming that he "did not feel up to it" and "solely had the ambition of forming an experimental studio that studied and analyzed phenomena, drew and tried to implement conclusions." Maybe that idea in itself, emerging from Giedroyc's prewar periodical "Polityka," caused both émigrés and those in the country to think anew about Polish issues.


This begs the question: what current was (is?) inspired by Jerzy Giedroyc and "Kultura"? What has it caused? How has it affected the Poles' intellectual and moral condition, what stamp has it left on the realm of Polish culture, and finally, how was it a factor in the fight against totalitarianism, efforts to preserve national identity and the struggle for sovereignty?

This might be measured by the reactions of Poland's communist authorities, who battled "Kultura" mercilessly (except for a brief period after October 1956). Crude propaganda and police repressions were their complementary methods of choice.

"This exiled White Guard rot, this fascist-Catholic 'Kultura,' " Jozef Cyrankiewicz said in 1950. "The Polish emigrant traitors, Messrs. Czapski and Giedroyc," wrote Marian Podkowinski the same year. "Those displaying the sign of black 'Kultura' would rehabilitate SS men and as theoreticians have but war to offer the world," wrote Jerzy Broszkiewicz in 1954.

A decade later Wieslaw Gornicki would say:

"The people of 'Kultura' are just a few clever guys for whom all that is Polish has become basically foreign."

In 1968, Gomulka would say:

"The Paris-based, US intelligence-financed 'Kultura' embodies reactionary politics in a manner at once treacherous and befitting of the real balance of power."

Before this, in January of 1958, former Home Army soldier and Krzywe Kolo [KK - Crooked Circle] Club member Hanna Szarzynska-Rewska was arrested for maintaining contacts with Jerzy Giedroyc and sentenced to 18 months in prison, and in 1962 Anna Rudzinska, another Home Army and KK Club member, met a similar fate (receiving a one year prison sentence).

Repressions deterring both the periodical's permeation into Poland (another trial came in 1970) and contacts between Jerzy Giedroyc's circle and people in the country suggest that Gomulka appreciated the importance of "Kultura" and its effects on the country's intellectual and cultural elites. As contacts with areas behind the Iron Curtain intensified, the readerships of the periodical and Literary Institute books began to grow. When in 1957 the Editor of Maisons-Laffitte rejected a cooperation proposal brought to him by Adam Schaff, those on the Communist Party's Mount Olympus declared war on "Kultura." As their chief weapon they chose fear, which was supposed to separate Polish society from the content of the monthly's sequential issues, to eradicate Maisons-Laffitte's indirect presence in the life of the country. This proved effective in the short term. In an article titled "Jerzego Giedroycia praca u podstaw (1956-1976)" [Jerzy Giedroyc's Work on the Fundamentals (1956-1976)], Andrzej Friszke quotes from a letter the Editor wrote to Witold Jedlicki after Rudzinska's trial:

"I have entirely ceased writing people in the country with whom I had hitherto maintained a casual and careful correspondence."

Friszke states that contacts with the home country grew increasingly laxer in later years. Also, visitors from Poland appeared irregularly and limited themselves to engaging in exchanges of information and opinions. Yet the long-term consequences of repressions proved disappointing. Poland's governing authorities produced a completely false image of "Kultura" and Jerzy Giedroyc primarily for propaganda purposes; but it seems that this image was also used in internal evaluations. The authorities were thus locked into a fiction that rendered impossible any authentic dialogue with the population. Interior Ministry and Communist Party Central Committee officials produced "analyses" and "assessments" which described the periodical as "subversive." Not strictly for propaganda use, these documents also served as internal memos for politicians. One example, drafted for Gomulka before his meeting with Todor Zhivkov in 1970, is a memo that describes "Kultura" as a center of hostile activity that is controlled by the Americans and recruits agents in Poland. We have no knowledge of (and it is doubtful that there ever were any) objective studies of the readership of "Kultura" and Literary Institute publications, not to mention of their social reception.


Historians seeking answers to the gray areas cited above are distressed today to find that censorship and fear prevented people from mentioning certain issues in diaries and private letters. As a result, for the time being historians lack evidence that would demonstrate the reach of "Kultura" in Poland, reactions to it, indications of what it meant to those who first picked it up and those who could read it more or less regularly. Contemporaneous records can only partly be replaced by written reminiscences, especially since the latter were mostly "commissioned" in connection with specific anniversaries. In 1987 Jan Jozef Lipski wrote:

"I first encountered 'Kultura' and the books of its Library around 1950, ironically through the Polish-Soviet Friendship Society. I knew someone who worked there at the time (...) I would get the volumes in the afternoon and return them early the next morning. Some friends also took advantage, mostly reading it at night in the home of my parents. We had various acquaintances, but how can you not be thankful to someone who made that reading possible? This person worked in a vile institution, but what other library at the time had issues of 'Kultura'? This person certainly risked being imprisoned, charged with spying for half the intelligence organizations in the world, with collaborating with the Gestapo, perhaps even being tortured."

Thus was born a circle of courageous and unapologetic people. Janusz Anderman:

"I was stunned upon first reading 'Kultura.' At that moment all domestic publications paled and shrank. Amazed, I read page after page because I didn't know you could write like that, use language and link texts that way. I remember sensing that I had encountered something that would be very important to me."

Antoni Pawlak:

"...Reading 'Kultura' meant laboriously consolidating the national culture, trying to find one's roots, one's place within it. (...) 'Kultura' also meant delving into my country's history. Finally, to me as a novice intellectual, it was important as a school of political thought, thought which I did not then, nor do now, always agree with, but thought which was always open, stripped of all phobias and blindness, always grounded in the concerns we had here, in Poland."

I will stop there as I could cite pages of similar testimony; "Kultura" has been discussed by many of those who read it in Poland at the time, including Stefan Kisielewski, Anka Kowalska and Andrzej Drawicz. These opinions mostly come from members of the opposition, though clearly not all recorded something of the sort. What about those outside these circles? We cannot answer this question today. There is no doubt whatsoever that "Kultura" was extremely important to shaping a space lying in opposition to enslavement, that it was an integral part of that space. This was measurably expressed through the frequent reprinting of excerpts from "Kultura" by underground publishers, through reprints of the "Historical Notebooks" ["Zeszyty Historyczne"] and Literary Institute books. It was also reflected in the publication in "Kultura" of articles written by oppositionists. "Kultura" entered the bloodstream of oppositional communities, and simultaneously built bridges between these communities and social circles distant from them, circles living in singular symbiosis with the ruling party, circles where conformism blended with concealed Wallenrodistic stances or simply with a dose of freedom - sometimes greater, sometimes smaller, variously expressed, among other ways through the reading of "Kultura" or even the visiting of Maisons-Laffitte, which for some was the first step in crossing a barrier of fear.

Consequently, recalling Wankowicz's words, it should be stated that "Kultura" actually did receive credit for initiating a current that caused... And what now? What do we insert in place of author's ellipsis of 45 years ago? Caused the cultural fabric to be preserved? Political thought to form? Polishness to be transformed? Standards of public life to be maintained? Caused encouragement of opposition to the pressures of totalitarian communism and Sovietization? Caused the stage to be set for certain events? Caused a reference point to be created in the form of the "autonomous Poland" of Jerzy Giedroyc at Maisons-Laffitte, as Stefan Kisielewski put it? Maybe not autonomous but "sovereign," independent in the full meaning of the word? Independent in all ways: political, ideological, financial.

"I do not intend to give up my independence by cooperating or taking money," wrote Giedroyc to Jerzy Stempowski in January of 1951 in response to the latter's warnings. "I never considered it and never will consider it. We work under difficult conditions, yet despite this I haven't the slightest desire to make things easier for myself in this way. This stance puts me in a completely different position relative to the Americans, who for some time have been accustomed to treating European politicians, including exiles, as paid agents. (...) If in the present situation, specifically due to news frequently coming from the country, I see no other way of remaining politically active in exile than by attempting to collaborate with the Americans as well, then by collaboration I do not at all mean blind subordination nor giving up the right to being openly critical. I do not claim this will generate the desired results, but there is simply no other way and it must be tried."

The issue in this case was the concept of creating a Polish legion in the United States, an unfortunate concept, but one that Giedroyc defended heatedly. The Editor sought out subsidies, but was willing to use them only if this carried no obligations. Years later, in appealing to readers of "National Review," James Burnham stated that "Kultura" was "one of the most important operational centers of the political war," a center that had "proved its effectiveness." In a letter to the editor, Konstanty Jelenski protested against these statements, pointing out that:

"The paradox seems to be that while 'Kultura' really affects Eastern Europe, while the region's communist governments really fear it, according to Burnham it continues to be financially anemic" and concluding: " 'Kultura' is determined to always play its own tune."

That is how things were. Giedroyc's greatness also lay in the fact that in a world divided between ideological camps, under cold war conditions, with Poles divided into émigrés and those in-country, between left and right, he escaped being pinned down in any trench and created an enclave beyond - or perhaps above - all lines of division. An enclave of free thought and a pluralism of views, "Kultura" is sometimes described as having been "a parliament in exile." Wrongly so, for it never printed the words of those who found no place for themselves - either of their own will or because of the Editor's "electoral code" - in that enclave whose borders were broad but very clearly delimited, that is, totalists of all colors preaching aggressive nationalism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism. The people of "Kultura" had no liking for the integrist Church (which also saw "Kultura" as something foreign).

The tune "Kultura" played was rich, composed of various sounds, shaped like an atoll, and had its internal logic. In those five decades, what is termed the periodical's line changed many times as relations between the superpowers and Poland's situation evolved; yet one could say: plus ça change, plus c'est la même chose.

"I always tried to prevent 'Kultura' (despite its staff) from having a rigid program and line as 'Orzel' [The Eagle] does," wrote Giedroyc to Wankowicz in September 1952, criticizing the latter's book about the "inter-era." "I need to avoid the other extreme, that is, a 'Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer' ideology, as Hemar once described 'Wiadomosci' [The News]. At 'Kultura' I strive to create an environment where issues are tackled actively and specific solutions sought; frankly, that is why I prefer the Burnham book that is being prepared to that depressing image of a rotten West."

The creators of "Kultura" had a singular sense of mission and assumed responsibility for Polish issues. Seeking to persuade Konstanty Jelenski to work with the periodical, in September of 1950 Jozef Czapski wrote:

"Please do not treat these letters [from him and Giedroyc - K.K.] as Polish and intellectual day-dreaming. Important work is truly accruing at 'Kultura,' work we will not manage to complete if we do not expand the staff. That is most difficult, for either we get Poles who are stupid and want to take action with a capital 'A,' or we get French poodles incapable of doing any work that entails responsibility."

And the work Jerzy Giedroyc pursued, as Andrzej Friszke accurately noted, was "fundamental."

The Editor described himself as a political animal. With both feet firmly planted, he was flexible but at once remained faithful to the main objective that guided him when he was establishing "Kultura," which he sought to make, and succeeded in making, one of the most important Polish institutions of the half-century after World War II. Though it was located near Paris, thousands of kilometers away and also, or maybe above all, beyond a wall erected by Poland's communist authorities, this institution did not essentially lie abroad and its antennas were pointed toward Poland from the outset. This is how it differed from other Polish émigré institutions, even more so than in terms of its views, though the latter difference was also significant.

The bond with the country, bearing people in Poland in mind - Jerzy Giedroyc and his closest collaborators felt this to be their chief command. Consequently, they took care to remain continuously in touch with the country - in the literal and figurative sense. They sought incessantly to dispatch copies of "Kultura" and other Literary Institute publications to Poland and to stay in touch with people directly and through letters; simultaneously, they strove tenaciously not to lose touch with the in-country reality, with the possibility of understanding and being understood by people living in that reality. They wanted to understand the dilemmas, speak the same language, maintain intellectual and spiritual bonds. Like so many others of the Polish intelligentsia, gentry and aristocracy, Giedroyc was saturated with democratic ideals, in both the political and social dimensions. He and those of the "Kultura" circle accepted both the reforms instituted in Poland (parceling of landowners' estates, nationalization of industry) and, unlike virtually the entire emigration, the new eastern border.

"I really dislike today's Poland," he wrote in a letter to Wankowicz dated 30 November 1951, "but I think I could live in the country and not feel estranged in the new situation."

This attitude may have provoked his illusions about Gomulka and in 1956 caused him to grant this politician his trust for a year - in agreement with domestic public opinion of the time and against the entire emigration. It is accepted that Jerzy Giedroyc and Juliusz Mieroszewski (whose writing defined the political line of "Kultura" at the time) were counting on Polish communists to introduce evolutionary internal changes, but is this true? Everything seems to confirm this, including the editorial team's published statement:

"In stating that we believed evolutionary change and improvement of conditions in Poland to be possible," explained the Editor in remarks he addressed to readers in Poland in 1958, "we did not mean that we believed the communists would one day abandon Communism. Yet we did think that the communists, taking advantage of the unusual circumstances, would seek to exchange the geopolitical privilege constituting the basis of their existence for the authentic trust and substantial support of the nation. This goal could have been achieved through democratization, through expansion of the margin of freedom, through creation of a social and economic model satisfying the aspirations not only of a few hundred thousand members of the Communist Party, but also of the other twenty-eight million members of Polish society."

Years later Giedroyc would see this as one of his greatest errors. I contend that it was and it wasn't. It was if you look at his diagnosis of the situation, at his failure to understand something that was obvious to Gomulka: authentic democratization would undoubtedly have upset the foundations of the system, consequently causing it to collapse; this neither fit the designs of 'October's hero' nor contemporary international political realities. It was not an error if we examine the stance of "Kultura" from the perspective of the periodical's bond with Poland's population. "Kultura" and millions of people in communist Poland shared illusions and hopes about Gomulka; the "corrective" program printed in the periodical matched the views of many who would soon be forming the opposition, particularly those of leftist pedigrees. "Kultura" consciously joined the ranks of "October's defenders."

"Our strength," Giedroyc wrote Mieroszewski in January 1963, "lies in strictly following in-country realities and rapidly reacting to changes, sometimes even anticipating events. (...) We are not only combating the restriction of freedoms that October brought, but we have, since the outset, been fighting for a 'second stage.' In that sense we are and will be 'October's defenders.' "

A turning point was looming. March 1968 in Poland and above all the smothering of democratic change in Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact tanks raised doubts about the ruling parties' desire for evolutionary change. Revolutionary upheaval became the right path for overturning Communism and workers were seen as the only force capable of accomplishing this, especially after December 1970. So in his periodical, correspondence and direct encounters, Giedroyc would persuade the intelligentsia to reach out to workers' communities, to become interested in their (not only material) needs, to devise a program addressed to workers. "Kultura" co-created the environment that rendered "natural" the reaction to the oppression of workers in Radom, Ursus, and Plock in 1976, the creation of KOR [Workers' Defense Committee] and "Robotnik" ["Worker" journal], and the presence of intellectuals in the Gdansk Shipyards in August of 1980.

"We will never know how many visitors from Poland the editor spoke with about the 'worker' issue," writes Krzysztof Pomian, "how many he convinced of its paramount importance. (...) There could not have been many, but they were often people who had influence in their communities. We will also never know how many people in Poland read Mieroszewski's articles. Several hundred? Several thousand? Clearly, some conveyed what they read to others, though they didn't always cite their source."

In observing the often-meandering line of "Kultura" during its 50-year history, in reading the letters of Jerzy Giedroyc and his closest collaborators, one could conclude that they based their actions on the belief that, despite having endured repeated systemic upheaval, Polish society was dominated by leftist ideas and humanist, socialist and democratic values. Yet the Editor was under no illusions. In a 1966 letter to Mieroszewski he wrote:

"It is true that the vast majority of Polish society is anti-communist, hates the regime, is literally philistine and reactionary. Yet continuously since the late 19th century, the phenomenon [word unrecognized by Krzysztof Pomian - K.K.] has been that the left, in spite of being few in number and always quarrelling, has basically ruled the country. Inter-bellum Poland was ruled by Pilsudski, not Dmowski."

Giedroyc contended he was shaped by liberal tradition and saw the National Democrats' mentality, clericalism and parochialism as foreign. Though very sensitive to his links with the home country, it seems he did not fully appreciate the importance and strength of Polish traditionalism, nationalism and Catholicism under conditions of a "fort under siege." "Kultura" easily found its way to the leftist, liberal intelligentsia, and this group had no difficulty finding its way to "Kultura." Though this certainly limited the periodical's reach, it was a conscious choice. It is hard to say if it increased or decreased the historical significance of "Kultura."

I began with the Editor's words and I will end with them. These words were spoken, but alas never written down. When I was bidding Jerzy Giedroyc farewell after spending several weeks studying his correspondence from the years 1947-1956, he said something that essentially meant "I have achieved nothing." It was 1990 and he seemed immersed in bitter disappointment that Poland, emerging from a half-century of oppression, was not perfect, that those who had grasped the helm of the ship of state had not matured to the role that history assigned them. Yet it is appropriate in his case to paraphrase what Winston Churchill said of the pilots who fought the Battle of Britain: "Never in history was so much owed by so many to so few."

Krystyna Kersten © by "Tygodnik Powszechny"

"Tygodnik Powszechny" (TP) published this text in commemoration of Jerzy Giedroyc’s 90th birthday in "Kontrapunkt" [Counterpoint], the TP cultural magazine, on 28 July 1996. It appears on www.culture.pl - courtesy of the editors and publishers of "Tygodnik Powszechny" - in connection with "The Year of Jerzy Giedroyc," celebrated in 2006.

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